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Did You Just Call Me Old Lady?
Excerpt from Did You Just Call Me Old Lady? By Lillian Zimmerman
Fernwood Publishing
Nov. 2016
How do we get old, what happens on the way and when we get there? As I continued to grow older, I became engaged in learning about older persons: I wanted to understand more about my own experiences — which issues stood out for me and if they did or did not reflect my life. I studied books, journal articles and what was being written about it in the media and what was seen on television. I also learned from peers and others about their own experiences dealing with a range of situations affecting them as they aged as individuals — in their families, with their health, in their working lives and so on. Their stories, many of which I have included, are rich and very real.
As I wrote in Chapter 1, my first major goal was to examine how those of us now in our seventies, eighties, nineties and one hundreds live in positive ways not widely experienced by previous generations. The second goal was to focus not only on the great gains which have been made, but also on one of the most persistent barriers which I believe hampers further gains. This is ageism: the dislike of, and dis-crimination against, older people, which has been termed one of the most tolerated social prejudices in Canada.
A very great deal has been written about both aging and ageism. Now, from the height of my ninety years, I have written about what I feel deserves to be emphasized and expanded. This book presents several key concepts, with some overlapping:
1 Many older Canadians are living their later lives with satisfac¬tion and, yes, enjoyment. I have found that this straightfor¬ward reality has been neglected, the emphasis being on the negative experiences which cause people to continue unnec¬essarily dreading getting old. Of course those of us who do enjoy our later years have avoided catastrophic circumstances such as isolation, poor health and limited finances.
2 I deplore the “population as a crisis” mantra so often found in the media — most of it from the point of view of ideological spin doctors. This picture, portraying those of us who are old as a threat and a future burden, is both untrue and harmful. It is harmful not only in general, as it affects individuals, but because it also influences policy makers. It robs people of self-respect and constitutes a failure to recognize what most older people have achieved. We have accomplished a great deal of good, and will continue to do so.
3 Following from that is the lack of emphasis on what older people actually contribute in hard terms to the economy. It is estimated that unpaid caregivers over the age of 45 con¬tribute $25 billion dollars a year in market terms. They also contribute substantially to the economy by volunteering and by their charitable gifts. Also, increasing numbers of Canadi¬ans remain in the workforce past age 65; in 2011 one in five Canadians over age 55 were employed.
4 Ageism, or the dislike of and discrimination against the old, remains a huge barrier both in our institutions and social structures; it compounds the challenges facing older people; hinders us from getting jobs; results in our having to deal with resentment for our so-called misuse of the health-care system; and robs us of our self-esteem and self-worth. In this book I have synthesized a great deal of disparate evidence of ageism found in popular culture — in humour, language, cartoons, advertising, etc. By examining these various aspects of popular culture, I hope to paint a more comprehensive picture of ageist practices and what it means to be old in a popular culture that glorifies youth.
5 In the strongest possible terms, I caution aging people against internalizing or absorbing the negative stereotypes or horrible caricatures of the old: for example, cartoons or jokes about old, stooped people with canes being unable to cross the road when the light is green, or similar distortions. We do not become disabled or dependent because we are over 65. We continue to make the same contributions we always did: in fact we are probably a lot better at it now, given our experi¬ence and the knowledge we’ve gained.
6 Our achievements as older persons are consistently down-played. Yes, we see stories of outstanding achievements by some of us who run marathons when over eighty, or who tutor students when we are ninety. The late Betty Friedan, of the women’s movement fame, called us “biological pioneers.” I love that phrase. It says to me that living to be well over 75 means that we, as pioneers of longevity, have been innova¬tive, and also very tough. We had to be. I have included an¬ecdotes of how we who are older have had to deal with many challenges, such as retirement, or trying to get and keep jobs, as well as caring for our families — our frail elders, adult children and grandchildren — which we have done, often joyously, but at times anxiously.
My examination of ageism is a major focus of this book: I support the idea that it is the most tolerated social prejudice. It must come out of the closet and be recognized for what it is, to avoid its continuing damaging effects on people as they age. Removing ageist barriers, such as those which prevent older people from continuing to work, could lessen the fear of aging and establish the conditions for a greater enjoyment of old age.
I deplore the “aging is a crises” mantra, which is rooted in a mix of stereotypes propagated by media, policy wonks, corporations and thinktanks. In fact, rather than bemoaning population aging, we need to urgently address two issues in a positive way. First, we need to strengthen our public medicare system — a system which I support from my own positive health experiences and those of my friends and from studies I have read. Second, we need to develop a national home and community care policy, as well as one for national pharmacare.
Fernwood Publishing
Nov. 2016
How do we get old, what happens on the way and when we get there? As I continued to grow older, I became engaged in learning about older persons: I wanted to understand more about my own experiences — which issues stood out for me and if they did or did not reflect my life. I studied books, journal articles and what was being written about it in the media and what was seen on television. I also learned from peers and others about their own experiences dealing with a range of situations affecting them as they aged as individuals — in their families, with their health, in their working lives and so on. Their stories, many of which I have included, are rich and very real.
As I wrote in Chapter 1, my first major goal was to examine how those of us now in our seventies, eighties, nineties and one hundreds live in positive ways not widely experienced by previous generations. The second goal was to focus not only on the great gains which have been made, but also on one of the most persistent barriers which I believe hampers further gains. This is ageism: the dislike of, and dis-crimination against, older people, which has been termed one of the most tolerated social prejudices in Canada.
A very great deal has been written about both aging and ageism. Now, from the height of my ninety years, I have written about what I feel deserves to be emphasized and expanded. This book presents several key concepts, with some overlapping:
1 Many older Canadians are living their later lives with satisfac¬tion and, yes, enjoyment. I have found that this straightfor¬ward reality has been neglected, the emphasis being on the negative experiences which cause people to continue unnec¬essarily dreading getting old. Of course those of us who do enjoy our later years have avoided catastrophic circumstances such as isolation, poor health and limited finances.
2 I deplore the “population as a crisis” mantra so often found in the media — most of it from the point of view of ideological spin doctors. This picture, portraying those of us who are old as a threat and a future burden, is both untrue and harmful. It is harmful not only in general, as it affects individuals, but because it also influences policy makers. It robs people of self-respect and constitutes a failure to recognize what most older people have achieved. We have accomplished a great deal of good, and will continue to do so.
3 Following from that is the lack of emphasis on what older people actually contribute in hard terms to the economy. It is estimated that unpaid caregivers over the age of 45 con¬tribute $25 billion dollars a year in market terms. They also contribute substantially to the economy by volunteering and by their charitable gifts. Also, increasing numbers of Canadi¬ans remain in the workforce past age 65; in 2011 one in five Canadians over age 55 were employed.
4 Ageism, or the dislike of and discrimination against the old, remains a huge barrier both in our institutions and social structures; it compounds the challenges facing older people; hinders us from getting jobs; results in our having to deal with resentment for our so-called misuse of the health-care system; and robs us of our self-esteem and self-worth. In this book I have synthesized a great deal of disparate evidence of ageism found in popular culture — in humour, language, cartoons, advertising, etc. By examining these various aspects of popular culture, I hope to paint a more comprehensive picture of ageist practices and what it means to be old in a popular culture that glorifies youth.
5 In the strongest possible terms, I caution aging people against internalizing or absorbing the negative stereotypes or horrible caricatures of the old: for example, cartoons or jokes about old, stooped people with canes being unable to cross the road when the light is green, or similar distortions. We do not become disabled or dependent because we are over 65. We continue to make the same contributions we always did: in fact we are probably a lot better at it now, given our experi¬ence and the knowledge we’ve gained.
6 Our achievements as older persons are consistently down-played. Yes, we see stories of outstanding achievements by some of us who run marathons when over eighty, or who tutor students when we are ninety. The late Betty Friedan, of the women’s movement fame, called us “biological pioneers.” I love that phrase. It says to me that living to be well over 75 means that we, as pioneers of longevity, have been innova¬tive, and also very tough. We had to be. I have included an¬ecdotes of how we who are older have had to deal with many challenges, such as retirement, or trying to get and keep jobs, as well as caring for our families — our frail elders, adult children and grandchildren — which we have done, often joyously, but at times anxiously.
My examination of ageism is a major focus of this book: I support the idea that it is the most tolerated social prejudice. It must come out of the closet and be recognized for what it is, to avoid its continuing damaging effects on people as they age. Removing ageist barriers, such as those which prevent older people from continuing to work, could lessen the fear of aging and establish the conditions for a greater enjoyment of old age.
I deplore the “aging is a crises” mantra, which is rooted in a mix of stereotypes propagated by media, policy wonks, corporations and thinktanks. In fact, rather than bemoaning population aging, we need to urgently address two issues in a positive way. First, we need to strengthen our public medicare system — a system which I support from my own positive health experiences and those of my friends and from studies I have read. Second, we need to develop a national home and community care policy, as well as one for national pharmacare.
Submitted on September 5, 2017 in By David.
